Pelagius: A view of ancient religious patronage

Pelagius: A view of ancient religious patronage

A Chapter by Owen
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1st draft of an article

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     The institution of patronage, the 'funding' of one person by another, more influential, more wealthy, person was ancient, long before the beginnings of Christianity.  With the advent of Christianity, however, it was 'taken over' like most (pagan) Roman institutions.  Therefore bishops and 'holy men' began to patronize and be patronized.  Early on many of the patrons of holy men were women.  Women had an interesting place in the patronage of Early Christianity.  Usually the patronage of these women was of an indirect nature:  women married to influential men persuaded them to 'help out' the client.  An example of this help would be the reinstatement of Liberius, the Bishop of Rome, exiled in 355, by the husbands of  "well-placed matrons."[1]  Sometimes, however, a wealthy widow became a patroness.  Some holy men became labeled as  'matron's ear ticklers.'  Damasus and Liberius, both bishops of Rome, Rufinus of Aquileia, and Saint Jerome among others were all given this title, by opponents of course.  Most modern scholarship on either patronage or Early Christian lives tend to overlook or ignore the patronage by these wealthy matrons. 

     Peter Brown in a collection of articles used as a basis for his biography of Saint Augustine, writes a great deal about Pelagius and his supporters.  Little is actually said, however, about the aristocratic women offering support for Pelagius.  'The great Melania the Elder' as well as her granddaughter Melania the Younger are mentioned as holding great power and influence but exactly how that influence was used for Pelagius is not mentioned.  A great deal is made of bishop Paulinus of Nola, one of the greatest patrons of Pelagius and his followers (just before his death, Paulinus even allowed some excommunicated 'Pelagians' to take communion).  

     Elizabeth Clark's commentaries on the Life of Melania the Younger brought to light one of the more interesting aspects of feminine patronage:  deliberate silence.   According to Clark some Early Christian writers deliberately omitted mention of certain people who may have detracted from the Life they were writing.  The younger Melania's life makes no mention at all of her illustrious grandmother, Rufinus or Pelagius, although other sources claim she was very close to all three.  Clark also outlines one of the main points of hostility between Jerome and Pelagius:  Pelagius, like Rufinus, was an Origenist, and Jerome was a 'reformed' Origenist.  What I mean here is that, early in his life, Jerome admired, and even translated some of the works of Origen.  He later changed his mind about Origen, and he then actively attacked those he considered 'tainted' with Origenism-these included Rufinus, Melania the Elder, a patron of Rufinus, and Pelagius.

     Louis Duchesne's Early History of the Church has much to say about the theology of Pelagius.  He discusses the debates Pelagius had with both Augustine and Jerome.  The subject of patronage (feminine or otherwise), unfortunately never comes up.  Melania the Elder, Melania the Younger and her husband Pinianus are discussed as influential people loved by many, but nothing is stated about patronage.

     By far the most comprehensive account of the life and works of Pelagius are to be found in the work of Vittorino Grossi in Patrology IV.  With the previous chapters on Augustine, Jerome,  and Rufinus this book serves to place the teachings of Pelagius in the context of the dominant 'holy men' of the age.  This work deals only with the theology of Pelagius, patronage is never mentioned.

     R.A. Markus has written fascinating articles on the origins of Pelagian thought in Britain, and on the theological disputes Pelagius had with Augustine.  As with the rest, however, nothing is said about patrons of Pelagius. Also, Markus claims the promotion of Pelagius as a heretic amounted to a take-over bid by the North African church, partly citing for this the general lack of enthusiasm for the doctrine of the North Africans. 

     In "The Topography of Heresy and Dissent in Late-Fourth Century Rome"  Harry Maier describes a culture of secret heretics, who meet in private homes or monasteries.  The private homes and monasteries typically belonged to aristocratic widows or virgins, the very same widows and virgins who were the patrons of Pelagius, Rufinus and Jerome.  Jerome is described as preaching against 'holy men' visiting the homes of these aristocratic women, while at the same time visiting them himself (through correspondence) to correct the ideas implanted there by his opponents.  This is the only work that I have found mentioning the actions of holy men towards the aristocratic women.

     Andrew Wallace-Hadrill edited a collection of essays entitled Patronage in Ancient Society. The twelve essays in the collection treat a different aspect of  political patronage in Greece and Rome. None of the essays handles religious or literary patronage. 

            In Literary and Artistic Patronage in Ancient Rome, edited by Barbara Gold, T.P. Wiseman has outlined the categories of patrons and clients (intellectual clients, meaning poets, but equally valid for holy men).

     As should be clear, most previous scholarship has tended to ignore the power and influence of aristocratic women in the life of Pelagius, in favor of the theological controversy caused by his teachings.  In this paper I hope to use the extant sources, Pelagius'  letters and writings, to attempt to illuminate some of his hidden female patrons, if possible.

 

            Part 1 will be a discussion of patronage in Ancient Society.

The best definition of patronage is in Sydel Silverman's article in Ethnology 4.2:  "an informal contractual relationship between persons of unequal status and power, which imposes reciprocal obligations of a different kind on each of the parties.  As a minimum, what is owed is protection and favor on the one side, and loyalty on the other.  The relationship is on a personal face-to-face basis, and it is a continuing one."[2]

A Roman writer or artist was given money from a person who was most interested in having himself praised or getting his ideas circulated.[3]

According to T.P. Wiseman there are three categories of 'clients' :

            1) salutatores- clients who come in the mornings and simply pay their respects to the patron.

            2) deductores- these clients not only come to the patron in the mornings, they also escort the patron to the Forum.

            3) adsectatores- these are totally devoted 'yes men' who make "themselves useful however they can."[4]

Wiseman suggests five beneficia granted by the patron:

            1) to speak in a client's behalf at a lawsuit.

            2) to stand security for him in a financial venture.

            3) to invite him (client) to his (patron) house for dinner.

            4) to get a client a seat at the games (Circus and Gladiatorial contests).

            5) or free lodging.[5]

He also states the four options open to an intellectual client:

            1) being liked by his patron.

            2) lecturing or reading his works to his patron.

            3) living with his patron.

            4) being on visiting terms with his patron.[6]

The next section will discuss Pelagius and his followers, and how they fit into the patterns of classical patronage, if they do.

The historical Pelagius was an ascetic who wanted to reform the morals of the Church.  If the Pelagian Controversy had never occurred, he would probably be known as another 4th/5th century ascetic. 

Pelagius' social doctrines:

            1) moral reform

            2) renunciation of worldly wealth

            3) asceticism

            4) perfection-integri Christiani

Parallels with Jerome:

            1) biblical commentaries

                 Jerome-Old Testament;  Pelagius-The Letters of Paul.

            2) asceticism

            3) circle of friends in Rome

 

            My conclusion seems to be moving towards refuting the theory that Pelagius had 'patrons' feminine or masculine. Pelagius, according to the sources, seems to be truly striving for reform and perfection.  Far from attempting to gain financial merit from his circle, Pelagius convinces them to give away all of their possessions to the poor.  Far from hanging around the wealthy elites to gain power and status, Pelagius was there because "only the sick need a physician." 

 

Bibliography
Bonner, Gerald

            St. Augustine of Hippo: Life and Controversies.  Philadelphia: Westminster Pr.  1963.

            "Augustine and Pelagianism" Augustinian Studies. v. 24 1993, p. 27-47.

            "How Pelagian was Pelagius?" Studia Patristica 9, 1966. p. 350-358

            "Pelagianism and Augustine" Augustinian Studies. v. 23, 1992. p. 33-51.

            "Rufinus of Syria and African Pelagianism" Augustinian Studies. v.1, 1970. p. 31-47.

 

Brown, Peter. 

     Augustine of Hippo. Los Angeles:  University of California Pr, 1967.

     "Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman Aristocracy." Journal of Roman Studies number 51, 1961, pp. 1-11.

     "The Patrons of Pelagius: The Roman Aristocracy between East and West."  Journal of Theological Studies, n.s. vol. 21, 1970, pp. 56-72.

     "Pelagius and His Supporters:  Aims and Environment." Journal of Theological Studies, n.s. vol. 19, 1968, pp. 93-114.

 

Clark, Elizabeth A.

     Life of Melania the Elder Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellon Pr, 1984.

 

De Bruyn, Theodore

            Pelagius's Commentary on St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans. Oxford: Clarendon Pr, 1993.

 

Duchesne, Louis. 

     Early History of the Christian Church From Its Foundation to the End  of the Fifth Century. V III: The Fifth Century. London:  John Murray, 1951.

 

Evans, Robert F.

            Pelagius: Inquiries and Reappraisals.  New York: Seabury Pr 1968.

 

Ferguson, John

            Pelagius:  A Historical and Theological Study. Cambridge: W. Heffer &           Sons, Ltd.  1956.

 

Gold, Barbara

            Literary and Artistic Patronage in Ancient Rome.  Austin: University of  Texas Pr. 1982.

 


Grossi, Vittorino.  

     "Pelagius" in The Encyclopedia of Early Christianity ed. Angelo  Di Berardino. Cambridge: James Clarke and Co. 1992.

     "Adversaries and Friends of Augustine" in Patrology  IV:  The Golden Age of Latin Patristic Literature. ed. Angelo Di Berardino.  Westminster, MD:  Christian Classics,   1988.

 

Harnack, Adolph

            History of Dogma.  New York:  Dover Publications, 1961.

 

Kelly, J.N.D.

            Jerome:  His Life, Writings and Controversies.  London:  Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd, 1975.

 

Lienhard, Joseph T.

            Paulinus of Nola and Early Western Monasticism.  Bonn:  Peter Hanstein Verlag, 1977.

 

Maier, Harry O.

             "The Topography of Heresy and Dissent in  Late-Fourth-Century Rome" 

            Historia 44, 1995.

 

Markus, R.A.

      "Augustine's Confessions and the controversy with Julian of Eclanum:       Manicheism revisited"  Collectanea Augustiniana 1990.

     End of Ancient Christianity.  New York: Cambridge University Pr, 1990.

     "Legacy of Pelagius." in R.D. Williams The Making of Orthodoxy  Cambridge: Cambridge University Pr, 1989.

     "Pelagianism:  Britain and the Continent" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37 1986

 

Phipps, W.W. "The Heresiarch:  Pelagius or Augustine?" Anglican Theological Review.  62.2, 1980.

Rees, Brinley R.

     Pelagius:  A Reluctant Heretic. Rochester, NY:  Boydell Pr, 1988.

Saller, Richard P.

            Personal Patronage under the Early Empire.  New York:  Cambridge  University Pr, 1982.

            "Patronage and Friendship in Early Imperial Rome:  drawing the           distinction." in  Wallace-Hadrill  ed.  Patronage in Ancient Society p 49-62.

 

Silverman,  Sydel F. "Patronage and Community-Nation Relationships in Central Italy." Ethnology 4.2, 1965. p. 172-189.

 

Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew.

            Patronage in Ancient Society.  New York:  Routledge, 1989.

 

Wiseman, T.P.

            "Pete Nobiles Amicos:  Poets and Patrons in Late Republican Rome" in             Gold ed.  Literary and Artistic Patronage in Ancient Rome. p. 28-49.

 

Primary sources

 

Augustine, St.  Four Anti-Pelagian Writings.  trans. John Mourant and William Collinge. Washington, DC:  Catholic University Pr, 1992.       

 

_____ Letters 1*-29*. trans. Robert Eno. Washington, DC :  Catholic University Pr, 1989.

 

_____ The Retractations.  trans. Sister Mary Inez Bogan. Washington, DC:Catholic University Pr, 1968. 

 

_____ Letters 83-130 trans. Sister Wilfrid Parsons. Washington, DC: Catholic University Pr, 1953.

 

_____ Letters 131-164 trans. Sister Wilfrid Parsons. Washington, DC: Catholic University Pr, 1953.

 

_____ Letters165-203 trans. Sister Wilfrid Parsons. Washington, DC: Catholic University Pr, 1955.

 

_____ Anti-Pelagian Writings trans.  Benjamin B. Warfield.  Grand Rapids,  Michigan:  Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. 1956.

 

Jerome, St.  Dogmatic and Polemical Works. trans. John Hritzu. Washington, DC: Catholic University Pr, 1965.

 

The Life of Melania the Younger.  trans. Clark, E. A.  New York: Edwin Mellen Pr, 1984.


The Letters of Pelagius and His Followers.  trans. Brinley R. Rees.  Rochester, NY: Boydell Pr, 1991.

 

The Letters of St. Jerome (v. 1 letters 1-22.) trans. Charles Christopher Mierow.  London: Longmans, Green and Co. 1963.  (Ancient Christian  Writers series # 33)

 



[1]Maier. Topography. pg 233.

[2]Silverman. p. 176.

[3]Gold. p. xiii.

[4]Wiseman. p. 29.

[5]IBID. p. 29-30.

[6]IBID. p. 31.



© 2009 Owen


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Interesting information about women in the early church.

Posted 14 Years Ago


This is so well-researched and thorough. Your papers are very interesting to read. Sabine*

Posted 15 Years Ago



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